However, ΔHΔH as defined here is a simplification of Hale’s original proposal, which relies on syntactic DAPT in vivo structures rather than mere word strings (see Frank, 2013). Reading times are indeed predicted by ΔHΔH, both when defined over words (Frank, 2013) and over parts-of-speech (Frank, 2010), even after factoring out surprisal. Another variation of entropy reduction has also been shown to correlate with reading times (Wu, Bachrach, Cardenas,

& Schuler, 2010). To summarize, we use four definitions of the amount of information conveyed: the surprisal of words or their PoS, and the entropy reduction due to words or their PoS. Our current objectives are twofold. First, we wish to investigate whether a relation between word information and ERP amplitude indeed exists. We looked at six different ERP components, three of which are generally viewed as indicative of lexical, semantic, or conceptual processing; these are the N400, and (Early) see more Post-N400 Positivity (EPNP and PNP) components. The other three have

been claimed to reflect syntactic processing: (Early) Left Anterior Negativity (ELAN and LAN) and P600. Because we have defined information not only for each word in a sentence but also for the word’s syntactic category, ERP components that are related to either lexical or syntactic processing can potentially be distinguished. Likewise, we compare the surprisal and entropy reduction measures. In particular, an effect of word surprisal is expected on the size of the N400, a negative-going deflection with a centro-parietal distribution, peaking at about 400 ms

after word onset. Previous work (Dambacher, Kliegl, Hofmann, & Jacobs, 2006) has shown that this component correlates with cloze probability, which can be taken as an informal estimate of word probability, based on human judgments rather than statistical models. In addition, Parviz, Johnson, Johnson, and Brock (2011) estimated surprisal on sentence-final nouns appearing in either low- or high-constraining sentence context that made the nouns less or more predictable. They found that the N400 (as measured by MEG) was sensitive to surprisal. However, no effect of surprisal Histone demethylase remained after factoring out context constraint. It is much harder to derive clear predictions for the other ERP components and alternative notions of word information. We return to this issue in Section 4.2, which discusses why relations between particular information measures and ERP components may be expected on the basis of the current literature. Second, the use of model-derived rather than cloze probabilities allows us to compare the explanatory value of different probabilistic language models. Any such model can estimate the probabilities required to compute surprisal and entropy, at least in principle.